Monday, March 9, 2009
876-888
Sunday, March 8, 2009
865-876
855-862
Monday, February 16, 2009
Summary
In class, we simulated a debate between the three leading Russian political groups: the Mensheviks, Bolsheviks and Octoberists. While these political groups that were all in agreement of the Russian necessity to undergo some form of political change. However, while they shared that common understanding of the deteriorating Russian state, they differed in not only the manner of implementing the necessary governmental change but also in the urgency or timing that this change required. The Mensheviks were tied strongly to Marx’s theory, and thus believed that Russia was not at the appropriate time for Russia to undergo a shift from feudalism to communism, especially since Russia had not yet transitioned to capitalism, which, according to Marx, was an essential component in the proper establishment of communism. To contrast this belief that Russia was not ready to shift to communism was the opinion of the minority, the Bolsheviks, who believed that they could divert from Marx’s complete theory and instead relieve Russia from its dismal political state by forcing Russia to switch to communism through a revolution. While the Mensheviks and Bolsheviks at least had common ground about the inevitability of this revolution and shift to communism, the Octoberists believed that somehow, the communist state could coexist with the current Russian government.
While the Bolsheviks had been the minority, it was their argument that ultimately proved to be the most poignant and gained the most momentum. The Russian people were impatient, having waited and suffered too long with little to no governmental response or help. It is much easier to present the argument that the Bolsheviks did: one that would provide seemingly instant results for the discontented masses. It is much more difficult to tell people to wait and suffer even longer.
844-851
Sunday, February 15, 2009
823-837
Toward the end of the 19th century, Europe experienced an industrial change that intensified European dependency on foreign goods and work, strengthened mass media and reorganized the preexisting capitalist institutions. This European cultural development was founded strongly in the technological development that resulted in a utilization of new materials, particularly steel. The transition from the use of iron to the use of steel shaped the European cultural for it provided more efficient technology that allowed for mass production, thus increasing the European desire for rapid production of manufactured goods. The European demand for rapid access to products was supported by innovation in technology, such as the Thomas Edison’s invention of the incandescent-filament light, which provided seemingly instant results.
Aside from the technological innovations at home, the later part of the 19th century also marked the spread of European influence and thus culture into other countries that were considered less developed in the eyes of the Europeans. This intensified imperialism was greatly supported by the new European dependency on oil (as opposed to the prior dependency on coal). Dependency on oil allowed European industries to move, since they were no longer tied to coal as an energy source. The use of oil as an energy source also allowed Europeans to travel farther faster, thus expediting the European sphere of influence and potential to exploit those less developed countries.
The end of the 19th century was the period in which the foundation was laid for the demand for seemingly instant results. Europeans had faster access to materials, information and countries, and thus grew accustomed to such quick results.
Sunday, February 8, 2009
Summary
As demonstrated in, “A Place in the Sun” (1901), by Kaiser Wilhelm II, the strength of nationalism is a tool used by nations to promote imperialism. Wilhelm explains how through imperialism, citizens focus their attention abroad and on servicing the German nation instead of worrying about “the pettiness which surrounds him in daily life”. Consequently, imperialism would strengthen a nation such as Germany internally and externally, for while people’s attention is refocused to German expansion, Germany is simultaneously achieving an international reputation.
However, despite its power in affecting the people, nationalism was not the only tool used to encourage imperialism. There was the civilizing mission, or, as Rudyard Kipling writes of, “The White Man’s Burden” (1899). While Kipling could either be presenting sarcastic or genuine beliefs, imperialism was undoubtedly presented to citizens as an act to help those less fortunate and uncivilized nations. In his piece, Kipling’s descriptions of the members of imperialized nations as “savages” and “half-devil and half-child” distances those people from the civilized world and would most likely inspire anger or minimally a desire to change (and, as it is implied, therefore help) those “savages”.
While there were other, more political devices used to awaken public support for imperialism, nations rallied the most support through playing the sentiments of the public. Both nationalism and the use of the “civilizing mission” touched the core and identity of the public—whether a national or more spiritual identity, and from this manipulation of human sentiment, imperialism created a foundation of public support.